The ' faisandage '
Santiago González
Those who have followed closely the career of Alfredo Perez Rubalcaba, remember an admirable coolness and restraint. Even in the dark days of scandal Gal and corruption of the first 90 was easy to see him lose his composure . He was never seen as unassisted gesture and speech as in the last session of the case Pheasant control, but above all, never had heard arguments of such low intellectual quality and so close together.
Wednesday was the second time he sidestepped questions with a process of understanding the opposition, like: "you do this to show off in chains from the extreme right" or "you do not like what is happening: we are at the beginning of the end of ETA, this week better than the previous and next week better than this "reasoning only able to meet waste tempts your group. Another test of nerves was to use the same logical construction of the 'Medal of love', more than yesterday less than tomorrow, Zapatero used the December 29 , 2006, twenty hours before the T-4.
The successes we celebrate today in the war against terrorism have occurred when the government implemented which should never have quit. The causal fallacy that hits now come from that does not hold. If true, deftly addressed another peace process, negotiate, negotiate, to bury them at sea.
not appear that the call to bar ETA they supposed to an invaluable asset. It is the act itself, is that the police enter the den of crime shouting: "Water, water, wood coming!" is the image of a police corruption, not for money but for the political interests of command. That day he visited the Pheasant bar the late leader of the PNV Gorka Agirre , indicted for Marlaska in the plot of recovery of protection. That day would receive Zapatero at the Moncloa Palace the President of the PNV, Josu Jon Imaz and least needed was the arrest of a member of its Executive.
the letters rogatory is the judge Levert and those famous nine pages of secrets. It is said that the phones are ETA Security in trouble, perhaps the records of the conversations to which Eguiguren came with wrinkled pants. Everything suggests that these talks will be much hotter than in Switzerland.
Gorka Agirre , beadle with the covenant Egibar PNV-EA-ETA prior to the Lizarra truce in the summer of 1998, had a quarrel with six Justice years later. It was at that miserable agreement in which two democratic parties considered a terrorist pact with political exclusion of their opponents, (PP and PSE), but because it charged Marlaska in the plot that collected the revolutionary tax. Rubalcaba's nerves also reach years after that. Sometimes, justice goes in unexpected ways and suddenly presented with a truce late.
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